Compare Davidsonian events to Barwise & Perry situations
Here’s a crisp side-by-side to make the contrast clear.
Aspect | Davidsonian events | Barwise & Perry situations |
---|---|---|
What they are | Concrete spatiotemporal particulars (eventualities) that verbs talk about | Parts of the world (or information states) used to evaluate and represent content |
Core semantic move | Add an event variable e as an extra argument of the verb; existentially close it and let modifiers predicate of e |
Evaluate sentences relative to a situation s ; meanings constrain which situations make them true (carry “infons”) |
Canonical form | “John buttered the toast slowly in the bathroom” → ∃e[butter(e,j,toast) ∧ slow(e) ∧ in(e,bathroom)] |
Truth is not global (whole world) but relative to partial s ; a situation supports infons like ⟨butter, j, toast, +, t⟩ |
What they explain best | Adverbial/modifier syntax & scope, argument structure, anaphora to events (“This happened”, “So did Mary”) | Context dependence, partiality, domain restriction, attitude reports, information flow across discourse |
Ontology & identity | Events are particulars; often individuated by spatiotemporal region/causal profile; come with mereology (subevents) and can include states as eventualities | Situations are partial; they can overlap, be nested; a world is a maximal situation; situations support sets of infons |
Quantification & variables | Routine quantification over events (∃e , ∀e ); thematic roles relate participants to e |
Variables for situations (often both a resource situation for context and a described situation for content) |
Truthmaking flavor | Eventive truths have events as natural truthmakers | Situations are general truthmakers: any sentence is supported by the right situation |
Typical payoffs | Uniform account of manner/locatives/temporals, perception reports, aspect/telicity, event anaphora | Fine-grained content for attitudes (“reports about parts of worlds”), implicit domain restriction (“The windows are open” in this room) |
Classic worries | Identity conditions for events; proliferation of silent structure; treatment of statives without overgeneration | Heavy machinery (infons/constraints), early formal complexity; overlap with later dynamic/situation approaches |
How they fit together (not either/or)
They’re largely orthogonal: many contemporary analyses use both an event variable and a situation parameter. Intuitively, events are the things described, while situations are the contexts/parts of reality relative to which descriptions are evaluated and carried across discourse. So a clause can introduce an event e
that occurs in (or is part of) a situation s
.
Quick examples
-
Event semantics sweet spot “John danced beautifully in the kitchen at midnight.” → One event
e
with predicatesdance(e,j) ∧ beautiful(e) ∧ in(e,kitchen) ∧ at(e,midnight)
. -
Situation semantics sweet spot “The bottles are empty.” True relative to the bar-counter situation but false relative to the whole-house situation—no change in syntax needed; the situation parameter does the domain restriction.
Takeaway
- Use Davidsonian events when you need the internal structure of what happened (adverbs, arguments, aspect, event anaphora).
- Use B&P situations when you need the external structure of where/relative to what a claim is evaluated (context, partiality, attitudes, domain restriction).
- In practice, combine them: events give you fine-grained content, situations give you fine-grained context.
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